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Friday, October 22, 2021

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Friday, April 30, 2021

The Interpreter: Why misinformation is everywhere

Hint: It's not (always) Russia

Welcome to The Interpreter newsletter, by Max Fisher, who along with Amanda Taub writes a column by the same name.

On our minds: President Trump might have left office, and you can always switch off Facebook, but rumors and falsehoods will be defining features of American life for some time.

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The Era of Misinformation Is Here To Stay

Adam Maida

This week alone, there's a decent chance you've had at least one of these rumors, all false, relayed to you as fact: that President Biden plans to force Americans to eat less meat, that Virginia is eliminating advanced math in schools as part of a scheme to advance racial equality, and that border officials have been mass-purchasing copies of Vice President Kamala Harris's book to hand out to refugee children.

All were amplified by partisan actors. But you're just as likely, if not more so, to have heard it relayed from someone you know. And you may have noticed that these cycles of falsehood-fueled outrage keep recurring.

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We are in an era of endemic misinformation — and outright disinformation. Plenty of bad actors are helping the trend along. But the real drivers, some experts believe, are social and psychological forces that make people prone to sharing and believing misinformation in the first place — and those forces are only on the rise.

"Why are misperceptions about contentious issues in politics and science seemingly so persistent and difficult to correct?" Brendan Nyhan, a Dartmouth College political scientist, poses in a new paper in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

It's not for want of good information, which is ubiquitous. Exposure to good information does not reliably instill accurate beliefs anyway. Rather, Dr. Nyhan writes, a growing body of evidence suggests that the ultimate culprits are "cognitive and memory limitations, directional motivations to defend or support some group identity or existing belief, and messages from other people and political elites."

Put more simply, people become more prone to misinformation when three things happen. First, and perhaps most important, when conditions in society make people feel a greater need for what social scientists call ingrouping: a belief that their social identity is a source of strength and superiority, and that other groups can be blamed for their problems.

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As much as we like to think of ourselves as rational beings who put truth-seeking above all else, we are social animals wired for survival. In times of perceived conflict or social change, we seek security in groups. And that makes us eager to consume information, true or not, that lets us see the world as a conflict putting our righteous ingroup against a nefarious outgroup.

This need can emerge especially out of a sense of social destabilization. As a result, misinformation is often prevalent among communities that feel destabilized by unwanted change or, in the case of some minorities, powerless in the face of dominant forces.

If you are, say, a conservative American who feels a sense of lost control amid the pandemic and Mr. Trump's election loss, then misinformation reframing it all as a grand conflict between patriotic true Americans and scheming social justice warriors can feel enormously reassuring.

It's why perhaps the greatest culprit of our era of misinformation may be, more than any one particular misinformer, the era-defining rise in social polarization.

"At the mass level, greater partisan divisions in social identity are generating intense hostility toward opposition partisans," which has "seemingly increased the political system's vulnerability to partisan misinformation," Dr. Nyhan wrote in an earlier paper.

Growing hostility between the two halves of America feeds social distrust, which makes people more prone to rumor and falsehood. It also makes people cling much more tightly to their partisan identities. And once our brains switch into "identity-based conflict" mode, we become desperately hungry for information that will affirm that sense of us versus them, and much less concerned about things like truth or accuracy.

(In an email, Dr. Nyhan stressed that it can be methodologically difficult to nail down the precise relationship between the overall level of polarization in society and the overall level of misinformation, but that there is abundant evidence that an individual with more polarized views becomes more prone to believing falsehoods.)

The second driver of our misinformation era is also upgraded by polarization: high-profile political figures who encourage their followers to go ahead and indulge their desire for identity-affirming misinformation. After all, an atmosphere of all-out political conflict often benefits those leaders, at least in the short term, by rallying people behind them.

And then there is the third factor: a shift to social media, which is a powerful outlet for composers of disinformation, a pervasive vector for misinformation itself, and a multiplier of the other risk factors.

"Media has changed, the environment has changed, and that has a potentially big impact on our natural behavior," William J. Brady, a Yale University social psychologist, said.

"When you post things, you're highly aware of the feedback that you get, the social feedback in terms of likes and shares," Dr. Brady said. So when misinformation appeals to social impulses more than the truth does, it gets more attention online, which means people feel rewarded and encouraged for spreading it.

"Depending on the platform, especially, humans are very sensitive to social reward," he said. Research demonstrates that people who get positive feedback for posting inflammatory or false statements become much likelier to do so again in the future. "You are affected by that."

In 2016, the media scholars Jieun Shin and Kjerstin Thorson analyzed a data set of 300 million tweets from the 2012 election. Twitter users, they found, "selectively share fact-checking messages that cheerlead their own candidate and denigrate the opposing party's candidate." And when users encountered a fact-check that revealed their candidate had gotten something wrong, their response wasn't to get mad at the politician for lying to them. It was to attack the fact checkers.

"We have found that Twitter users tend to retweet to show approval, argue, gain attention and entertain," researcher Jon-Patrick Allem wrote last year, summarizing a study he'd co-authored. "Truthfulness of a post or accuracy of a claim was not an identified motivation for retweeting."

In another study, published last month in Nature, a team of psychologists tracked thousands of users interacting with false information. Republican test subjects who were shown a false headline about migrants trying to enter the United States ("Over 500 'Migrant Caravaners' Arrested With Suicide Vests") mostly identified it as false; only 16 percent called it accurate. But if the experimenters instead asked the subjects to decide whether to share the headline, 51 percent said they would.

"Most people do not want to spread misinformation," the study's authors wrote. "But the social media context focuses their attention on factors other than truth and accuracy."

In a highly polarized society like today's United States — or, for that matter, India or parts of Europe — those incentives pull heavily toward ingroup solidarity and outgroup derogation. They do not much favor consensus reality or abstract ideals of accuracy.

As people get more prone to misinformation, opportunists and charlatans are also getting better at exploiting this. That can mean tear-it-all-down populists who rise on promises to smash the establishment and control minorities. It can also mean government agencies or freelance hacker groups stirring up social divisions abroad for their benefit. But the roots of the crisis go deeper than them.

"The problem is that when we encounter opposing views in the age and context of social media, it's not like reading them in a newspaper while sitting alone," the sociologist Zeynep Tufekci wrote in a much-circulated MIT Technology Review article. "It's like hearing them from the opposing team while sitting with our fellow fans in a football stadium. Online, we're connected with our communities, and we seek approval from our like-minded peers. We bond with our team by yelling at the fans of the other one."

In an ecosystem where that sense of identity conflict is all-consuming, she wrote, "belonging is stronger than facts."

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What We're Reading

  • Arundhati Roy, the Indian novelist, links her country's immediate Covid crisis with its longer-building political transformation.
  • Conventional wisdom says that China's coming demographic shift — from a young and rapidly growing population to an aging and shrinking one — will end its decades of rapid economic growth. But Andrew Batson, an analyst who studies China's economy, thinks the country's growth model will survive its demographic transformation.
  • "Authoritarian systems are not fated to crumble because of one or another catastrophe, and democratic ones will not avert disaster out of their own innate virtues," the political scientist Paul Musgrave writes in an article that is only superficially about the TV show Chernobyl.
  • A fascinating and comprehensive (and chart-heavy) look at the systemic imbalances threatening to undo American democracy, by Laura Bronner and Nathaniel Rakich of FiveThirtyEight.

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Sunday, January 5, 2020

Secretary Michael R. Pompeo With Margaret Brennan of CBS Face the Nation

You are subscribed to Secretary's Remarks for U.S. Department of State. This information has recently been updated, and is now available.

01/05/2020 01:47 PM EST

Michael R. Pompeo, Secretary of State

Washington, D.C.

QUESTION: We turn now to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Good morning to you, Mr. Secretary.

SECRETARY POMPEO: Margaret, good to be with you. Thanks for having me on the show this morning.

QUESTION: Does eliminating Qasem Soleimani take out the specific plot that you say was an imminent threat?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Margaret, we made the right decision to take out this terrorist. He'd not only caused enormous death and destruction throughout the region, killed hundreds of Americans over the years, but had done so in the past couple of days, killed an American on December 27th. We watched him. We watched him continue to actively build out for what was going to be a significant attack – that's what we believed – and we made the right decision.

As General Milley said —

QUESTION: But has it been eliminated?

SECRETARY POMPEO: There are constant threats. We've been under threat from the Islamic Republic of Iran since at least 2015, when the previous administration made the mistake of entering that horrific nuclear deal and gave money and resources to this regime. The threats remain, and we'll continue to take actions to respond to them.

QUESTION: So Iran can still carry out that specific threat you described as imminent? Is it still imminent?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Margaret, we continue to prepare for whatever it is the Iranian regime may put in front of us within the next 10 minutes, within the next 10 days, and within the next 10 weeks. We are focused on delivering a strategy for the American people. We're going to get it right in the moment, but we're more importantly going to get it right over the days and weeks and months ahead.

We have put Iran in a position it has been in before. It is under enormous pressure, and we are continuing to be successful at denying them the resources to conduct precisely the types of campaign that we're confronting as a direct result of what happened over the past eight years before we came into office.

QUESTION: Up until this point, the U.S. had avoided specifically targeting and taking out top Iranian military leaders. Were all of the President's national security advisors in full agreement that Qasem Soleimani needed to be killed?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Yes.

QUESTION: Complete agreement across the cabinet?

SECRETARY POMPEO: It was a collective decision. It was intelligence analysis that doing nothing created far more risk than the action that we took.

QUESTION: But doing nothing isn't the same as saying specifically Qasem Soleimani needed to be killed.

SECRETARY POMPEO: Margaret, there was unanimity that we were making the right decision that day. It was based not only on this intelligence, but you need to look no further than the days that led up to this. Qasem Soleimani led and orchestrated a Kata'ib Hizballah attack on an American that killed an American. There was sound and just and legal reason for the actions the President took, and the world is safer as a result of the bold action that President Trump took.

QUESTION: President Trump is saying that there are 52 sites that the U.S. would target if Iran retaliates. How is that consistent with what you say is your message of de-escalation?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Entirely consistent.

QUESTION: Threatening to bomb mainland Iran?

SECRETARY POMPEO: The Iranian leadership needs to understand that attacking Americans is not cost-free. Setting out conditions to say these are our expectations, these are the things that America is expecting from you, and if you don't do them the costs will be clear and direct. And we have an obligation to speak to the Iranian leadership clearly and directly so that they understand that America is prepared, that we will continue to keep the American people safe, that we will reduce threats throughout the region if they take certain actions.

So they're entirely consistent. The entire strategy has been one of deterrence, to convince the Iranians that it would be so costly, and to support the Iranian people so that they could see that what their leadership was doing was destroying their country. We've been very effective at this —

QUESTION: But they're not backing down. Why do you think that this will make them back down? If this such a threat to Iranian pride to have one of their most powerful leaders killed, doesn't it force them —

SECRETARY POMPEO: Qasem Soleimani killed hundreds of Americans. To take a terrorist off the battlefield does not increase the risk of terror. The risk of terror is increased by appeasement. That's what the Obama-Biden administration did. It's what President Trump will never do, Margaret.

QUESTION: He also killed thousands of people in the region. He directed mass murder.

SECRETARY POMPEO: Hundreds of thousands. A massacre in Syria. Absolutely true.

QUESTION: But does this mean other Iranian leaders are now potential U.S. targets?

SECRETARY POMPEO: We're going to do everything required to keep the American people safe.

QUESTION: That sounds like a yes.

SECRETARY POMPEO: We're going to do, under President Trump, what he has directed for months. We're going to execute our National Security Strategy and convince the people of Iran that we are with them, that the Islamic Republic regime leadership – that their terrorism will not benefit them.

QUESTION: Iraq this morning has been carrying out some votes and debate over the presence of U.S. troops, and now the question is if Iraq legally requires – this is what they're looking at – U.S. troops to leave, will the U.S. comply?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Margaret, I don't want to speculate about what the Iraqi leadership will do. We'll watch. We're following very closely what's taking place in the Iraqi parliament. Make no mistake about it. The Iraqi people too are protesting, but not against America. What you see on TV is happening at the direction —

QUESTION: But this is a prime minister of Iraq who is —

SECRETARY POMPEO: Yes.

QUESTION: — talking about this right now.

SECRETARY POMPEO: Having the —

QUESTION: Expelling 5,000 U.S. troops.

SECRETARY POMPEO: The acting prime minister of Iraq, who resigned because of massive Iranian interference in his own government's ability to execute sovereignty and independence for Iraq. It's why he left. And it is the United States —

QUESTION: But the Iraqi parliament has now voted to approve it.

SECRETARY POMPEO: It is the United States that is prepared to help the Iraqi people get what it is they deserve and continue our mission there to take down terrorism from ISIS and others in the region that is in defense of the Iraqi people and is good for America too.

QUESTION: So I hear you saying the U.S. wants to keep those troops there and will work on that. What are you doing diplomatically behind the scenes to try to de-escalate?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Well, it's not just behind the scenes. We're doing some of it publicly too. The messages —

QUESTION: Have you reached out to the regime in Iran?

SECRETARY POMPEO: The messages that we're – the Iranian leadership, including my counterpart, knows precisely what President Trump believes, wants, and desires and is demanding from the Iranian leadership. Make no mistake about it.

But it's not just the last few days, Margaret. This is something we've been working on for an awfully long time. We've built out an enormous coalition – Gulf states, Israel. We've built out a maritime coalition. We've got an air defense initiative that is a multi-country effort. We've flowed American forces, but we've had forces coming in from our European friends and partners as well and the Canadians. This is a multi-country, global diplomatic effort to deter Iran.

QUESTION: But for the first time since World War II, the U.S. has now taken out a foreign military leader on foreign soil. This is —

SECRETARY POMPEO: He's a terrorist.

QUESTION: He may be, but this is a significant action. Do you really believe that Iran's going to sit down and negotiate now?

SECRETARY POMPEO: It depends how smart they are. It depends how much they take seriously what President Trump has communicated. If they take it seriously, they'll do the right thing; they will not continue to threaten not only Americans but the entire region. The instability that they have created for our ally Israel, for our partners the Saudis, our friends the Emiratis, all of these countries – Soleimani and his band of merry brothers have been a negative influence in the region for an awfully long time, and they are thankful for the action that America took.

QUESTION: The details of the threat that you describe as imminent, and it sounds like you were also saying is ongoing, have not been shared with Congress. The details that were transmitted yesterday were kept classified. When will the American people know why President Trump decided to do what he did?

SECRETARY POMPEO: Margaret, those aren't the same thing. You said they have been kept from Congress and kept classified. They have been shared with Congress. The congressional leadership has certainly seen it. Those members who have come back will get to see most all of that same information. I don't think any reasonable American elected official would see what President Trump and I and Secretary Esper saw and conclude that we could have done anything but the action that we took and —

QUESTION: But will that be declassified and explained to the American public?

SECRETARY POMPEO: — and we – and Margaret, we will do our best. We understand the obligation to share with the American people why it is we're taking the actions we can, and we will do so. President Trump has done so in tweets. I've done so in messages. I'm sitting here with you today, articulating why it is in America's best interest the action we took.

As for specific pieces of intelligence, you and I both know – I was a director of the CIA – there are things you simply cannot share. There are valuable information streams that we must protect. We will need them in the days and weeks ahead, and we will never present risk to the United States by putting at risk that valuable information.

QUESTION: But to be clear, that threat continues to exist – that plot?

SECRETARY POMPEO: There remain an enormous set of risks in the region, and America is preparing for each and every one of them. That includes not only the threats from the proxy militias in Iraq but in the region more broadly along every vector, including cyber.

QUESTION: Secretary Pompeo, thank you for joining us this morning.

SECRETARY POMPEO: Margaret, thank you very much for having me on.


This email was sent to stevenmagallanes520.nims@blogger.com using GovDelivery Communications Cloud on behalf of: U.S. Department of State · 2201 C Street NW · Washington, DC 20520 GovDelivery logo

Friday, April 16, 2021

The Moral Case For Buying Erling Haaland

Manchester City might need to sign Erling Haaland to save soccer from financial calamity.

The Moral Case for Buying Erling Haaland

Dortmund's Erling Haaland: so tall, so talented, so very, very expensive.Ina Fassbender/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

As the danger bubbled to the surface, there was an audible intake of breath among Manchester City's substitutes. Once it had passed, a few seconds later, as they exchanged glances — of admiration and relief, in equal measure — came a little murmur of appreciation. In the silence of the stadium, you could hear the sounds of game recognizing game.

It had come out of nothing, really. Mahmoud Dahoud, the Borussia Dortmund midfielder, had worked himself a scintilla of space in the middle of the field and slipped a ball into the path of Erling Haaland.

It led to nothing, too. Haaland's shot was saved by Éderson, the Manchester City goalkeeper. Dortmund would lose the game, thanks to a late goal from Phil Foden. A week later, after another defeat, the tie would follow. City would have its place in the Champions League semifinals.

In that moment, though, it was not the outcome that mattered, but the process. Haaland is too tall to be that quick, and yet here was visible proof to the contrary, his sudden, brutal acceleration a storm gathering out of a clear blue sky. Ruben Días has, for most of the season, been imperious and intimidating, and yet as he ran, Haaland shrugged him aside like a rag doll. It all left the impression that the Norwegian is less a promising young striker and more the physical manifestation of some ancient prophecy.

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The previous day, Pep Guardiola, Manchester City's manager, had poured cold water on rumbling speculation that Haaland's appearance at the Etihad Stadium was something of an audition. His club, he said, did not have the money to meet Dortmund's $180 million asking price for its crown jewel.

Pep Guardiola already has more stars than starting spots.Wolfgang Rattay/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Though it required at least some willing suspension of disbelief, it would have suited City's rivals to believe Guardiola. His record of incorporating archetypal strikers into his teams is, it is fair to say, mixed: Robert Lewandowski fit his Bayern Munich side perfectly, but neither Samuel Eto'o nor Zlatan Ibrahimovic quite suited the masterpiece he built at Barcelona.

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His attitude to Sergio Aguero, arguably City's finest ever player, has been a little uncertain over the last five years, too. It is perhaps relevant that the Argentine will leave the Etihad when his contract expires this summer, after a decade of prolific service, despite initially expressing an interest in extending his stay as recently as the start of this season. Guardiola would have to tweak his approach, at least a little, to suit Haaland.

But still: It would be entirely understandable for those teams tasked with keeping pace with City to prefer not to have to find out if he could make it work. In theory, at least, the combination of a team as good as City — currently on course for an unprecedented domestic and European quadruple — and a striker as devastating as Haaland would make the club close to unstoppable for years to come.

It is not, though, quite that simple. There are countless reasons for City's rivals and peers to hope the club does not sign Haaland, but there is one counterargument sufficiently compelling to render all of them moot. Manchester City might need to sign Erling Haaland to save soccer from financial calamity.

If a rich club meets Dortmund's price for Erling Haaland, the money will trickle down through the soccer economy.Ina Fassbender/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

As the season reaches its climax — down to the final four in the Champions League and Europa League, Manchester City, Bayern Munich, Inter Milan, Ajax and Sporting Lisbon all brushing their fingertips against championship trophies — it is possible to believe that soccer has successfully played through the pandemic. The ball, the show, the money from broadcast deals: It has all kept on rolling, stanching the losses and limiting the damage.

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In reality, it has only cleared the first hurdle; the economic impact of the pandemic has yet to bare its teeth. Clubs' accounts across Europe are already littered with multimillion dollar losses. More than a year of empty stadiums has left teams large and small with a shortfall in revenues that they cannot simply, or quickly, make up.

Even for those lucky few cosseted by wealthy benefactors or cushioned by European prize money or covered by the Premier League's gargantuan television deals, money is scarce; scarcer than it used to be, anyway. That much was evident in January, as transfer spending dropped precipitously. Teams are tightening their belts and hoping to get through.

As much as it is easy to rail against soccer's transfer market — the obscenity of the sums involved, the conspicuous consumption, the pervasive dogma that problems are solved by acquisition, rather than improvement, the unease at the idea of players reduced to assets to be traded by institutions — that is a problem, and potentially an existential one.

Not for those, perhaps, at the top of the tree, the ones who might have to make do with the squads stuffed full of internationals already at their disposal for a year or two, but for everyone beneath them.

The transfer market is, for all but a handful of teams, a crucial conduit for wealth: a "solidarity mechanism," as Vincent Mannaert, the chief executive of Club Bruges, the Belgian champion, put it last year. It is how the money at the top flows down, from the Premier League and the superclubs on through Europe's minor leagues and out into the world.

The fear stalking executives and owners is that the fallout from the pandemic will disrupt that mechanism. In France, where the losses from soccer's hiatus a year ago have been compounded by the league's decision to abandon last season and the collapse of a television deal, clubs would ordinarily sell players to balance their books.

The problem, this time around, is that they are not sure who they will sell them to: Their usual buyers in Spain, Germany and Italy are all suffering, too. England, perhaps, remains a viable market, but greater supply than demand will serve to depress prices; so, too, the fact that French clubs are now perceived as distressed sellers.

The millions spent by City and P.S.G. and Real Madrid eventually find their way to places like Wolfsburg and Ajax and Club Bruges, above.Johanna Geron/Reuters

To some, that is just the start of it. Norman Capuozzo, one of the leading agents in South America, believes clubs at all levels will prioritize shedding wages. "Below the elite, there will be a lot of players released, a lot of free transfers, a lot of loans," he said. The market, in other words, will be flooded to the point of saturation by castoffs and bargains.

The only thing that can change all of that is an injection of cash: enough to crank the market mechanism back into gear, enough to enable teams not to cut players from their squads, enough to help teams spend a little, enough to keep the wheels turning and the money flowing, from the top on down.

It is here that Manchester City comes in: a club that felt confident enough in the middle of a pandemic to establish the biggest salary bill in English soccer history. There are alternatives, of course: Paris Saint-Germain, maybe, which set out to inflate the transfer market beyond everyone else's reach when it signed Neymar in 2017; or Chelsea, the modern game's defining Gatsby, happy to spend $250 million last summer, only a few months after soccer had been on the brink of implosion, and Manchester United, a commercial juggernaut so powerful it emptied its stadium and posted a profit.

None of that should be read as a criticism: merely as an assertion that these teams have been happy to shape the transfer market to further their own success, as is their inalienable right, overpaying on both fees and wages when it suited them, with the side effect/added benefit of driving up prices for everyone else.

For once, though, there is cause even for those teams who believe themselves to have suffered from the rise of the superclubs to be thankful for their presence. The money that City — or P.S.G. or Chelsea or Manchester United — might give Dortmund for Haaland would, after all, travel a long way.

Much of it would not rest at Dortmund. Perhaps some of it would trickle down through the Bundesliga: to Augsburg for Felix Uduokhai and Wolfsburg for Maxence Lacroix and Borussia Monchengladbach for Florian Neuhaus.

From there, on it would go: from Wolfsburg and Mönchengladbach to teams in France, and from those French sides to Belgium, and from Belgium out to Scandinavia and Africa and Colombia, the transfer market suddenly liquid after a year of heavy, unmoving solidity, teams willing to pay fees and able to pay wages.

It should not be especially controversial to suggest that the owners of Manchester City, P.S.G. and Chelsea are not involved with soccer exclusively because of their love of the game. They did not necessarily buy into the sport because of their desire to compete, either, or even just to make money (as is the case at Liverpool and Manchester United, for example).

They all bought into soccer because of what soccer can do for them. Perhaps, then, this summer is a chance for payback, for them to do something for soccer. It should not, really, be too much to ask. All they have to do is what has come so easily to them in years past: spend money and sign players.

The Final Four

Will Olivier Giroud, Christian Pulisic and Chelsea play a cautious and dour game against Real Madrid?Julio Munoz/EPA, via Shutterstock

It should not, perhaps, be much of a surprise that three of the teams with the capacity to buy Erling Haaland are also in the Champions League semifinals: City, Chelsea and P.S.G. were, after all, in an unusually strong position to ride out the financial impact of the pandemic, and to mitigate the sporting consequences.

There will be time, in a couple of weeks, to assess the geopolitical consequences of the two semifinals — and whether, as the memes have had it, we are in the unusual position of seeing Real Madrid as the good guys — but, for now, let us focus on how they might play out on the field.

The immediate reaction is to assume that one semifinal will be cautious and dour, and the other crackling with light. Chelsea has been miserly since Thomas Tuchel took over, after all; Real Madrid held off Liverpool at Anfield on Wednesday night with a performance of obdurate discipline. All of the brio and the verve will, presumably, come from the meeting of P.S.G. and Manchester City.

That interpretation feels a little off, though. Real defended astutely against Liverpool — it had a commanding lead to protect — but it still gave up four or five gilt-edged, clear-cut chances; even with Sergio Ramos and Raphael Varane restored to the defense, relying on Chelsea's finishing being as bad as Liverpool's is a recipe for disaster. (Nobody's finishing, at this point, is worse than Liverpool's.)

P.S.G., meanwhile, thrilled in attack against Bayern Munich, but might easily have conceded seven in the first leg alone. It remains a team of neon moments, less coherent and complete than Manchester City, but it will take encouragement from the fact that City's form has dipped just a little in the last few weeks: not by much, but enough to give Neymar and Kylian Mbappé reason to believe.

The Steph Curry Moment

Long-range shots, like this one by Ronaldo, have fallen out of favor.Francisco Seco/Associated Press

At last, long-awaited vindication. I wrote in this column earlier this year that it felt as though the idea of shooting from range was dying out in soccer, dismissed by the sport's data-dominated thinking as an outdated inefficiency. This week, a paper presented by researchers at the Belgian university KU Leuven to the M.I.T. Sloan Sports Analytics Conference has borne that out.

Long shots have, they found, decreased over the last six years (the first season considered, 2013-14, dovetails with the rise of data in soccer pretty neatly). There are now 2.2 fewer shots from range in any given game; the number of shots from inside the penalty area, by contrast, has increased.

That is only part of the vindication, though. The academics did not conclude that this was a great leap forward, proof of the triumph of science over hope, but wondered if perhaps the trend had gone too far. "The potential payoff of not shooting is that an even better shot may arise down the line," the paper said. Using artificial intelligence, though, they concluded that "there is no guarantee of this happening."

Instead, the lead researcher, Maaike van Roy, said that there were "specific zones" where teams should be shooting rather than recycling possession; having a go, to use the technical term, may be no more or less of a gamble than working the ball out wide and flinging (again, apologies for the jargon) a cross in.

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Fans have known this for generations. After all, it does not take Rinus Michels to work out that there is a value in shooting that extends beyond the likelihood of scoring from the effort itself: There may be a rebound, or you may win a corner, or the shot might hit a beach ball. You do not need to be Arrigo Sacchi to understand that the mere possibility that you might shoot forces defenders to break their lines to close you down.

But this is not a defeat for analytics; it is not proof that the reliance on data has gone too far. The relationship between science and tradition does not need to be inherently antagonistic. Instead, it is best understood as a case of the advancements in analytics helping to refine the traditional reading of the game.

Yes, sometimes it is worth shooting from range, but only from certain areas, in certain situations and at certain times. You and I might have ideas about when those circumstances might arise, but it is only through the use of data that we can be sure that they are right. Analytics is there to deepen our understanding of the game, not to counteract it.

Correspondence

As was to be expected, the book recommendations have flooded in over the last few days. "The Miracle of Castel Di Sangro," "The Glory Game," "How Football Explains the World" and "Soccernomics" all received multiple recommendations, all of which I endorse.

Several of you nominated Fever Pitch, too, which I'm sure is very good; its influence, certainly, makes it worth your time. I can't personally vouch for it, though: I have, appallingly, never read it. Or seen the film. Generally, I try to avoid reliving unpleasant childhood memories, and the one that centers on Michael Thomas's most noteworthy contribution to English soccer history is at the very top of that particular list.

Roland Mascarenhas, meanwhile, asked if the reader who started this conversation — Alexander Da Silva would be willing to consider expanding the book group beyond whichever circle of friends he was presumably thinking about inviting. If others wish to join, I'm happy to put it to Alexander and see if you meet his no doubt exacting criteria.

(This is risky, isn't it? It's the sort of thing that ends with me, Alexander and Roland in front of a special committee of the Senate, answering questions about how we're using people's data and whether we have accidentally become a vector for the collapse of democracy. And all because Roland didn't just buy my book like he should have done.)

Rachel Block asked if last week's column dispensed too easily with the idea that Chelsea might beat Real Madrid in a Champions League semifinal. Possibly, though not intentionally: it was merely an attempt to say that it's hardly a stretch to believe that Real could knock Chelsea out. Either way, hopefully that has been addressed this week.

That's all for this week. Get in touch at askrory@nytimes.com if you want to be part of a book group that becomes a social media sensation, or have any other questions or ideas or complaints. Twitter is already a social media sensation. Set Piece Menu is not.

Have a great weekend, and keep safe.

Rory

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