Good morning. We're covering the fallout from Venezuela's election — as well as the Middle East, Kamala Harris and ultra-processed foods.
A dubious re-electionVenezuela is on fire. After a vote on Sunday, its authoritarian leader, Nicolás Maduro, claimed victory in his re-election campaign. But few believe he truly won, and he has not produced a vote count that verifies the result. The opposition says its candidate scored at least 3.9 million more votes than Maduro did. Now protesters are surging in the streets of this oil-rich nation, exasperated by a generation of leaders they can't get rid of. They are toppling statues of the man who founded the country's socialist movement. At least 16 people have died, including one soldier, and about 750 have been detained by security forces. Hundreds of people gathered on Tuesday in the capital, Caracas,to support the opposition. In some places, the authorities responded with tear gas. The day before, government-aligned gangs had responded with bullets. It's another chapter in a national saga of crisis, despotism and penury. Nearly eight million have fled the country, according to the United Nations; you've probably seen photos of Venezuelan families trudging toward the U.S. border. That migration has strained not only Venezuela's neighbors but even the United States, where the presidential election turns partly on a spike in immigration in recent years. Just 25 years ago, Venezuela had a functioning, if flawed, democracy. Then it elected Hugo Chávez, who helped pioneer a new form of Latin American socialism. His style antagonized Western powers but inspired hope among millions at home — and, at first, he helped many out of poverty. Then things began to change. How did the country fall so far? I've been covering the country since 2019, including the mass exodus of frustrated Venezuelans. In today's newsletter, I'll explain what happened here, and what's happening now. The descentIn the 1970s, Venezuela prospered from an oil boom. Politics were stable, as two major parties competed in democratic elections. But a decade later, petroleum prices dropped. As the cost of living rose, voters came to see the two-party system as entrenched and self-serving.
In 1998, Chávez, a charismatic former military officer, ran for president as a popular insurgent. He promised his followers a more inclusive democracy, a system that would transfer the levers of power from the political elite to the people. He started building a system of direct democracy. A new Constitution added the referendum as a political tool. He created programs to deliver aid, and encouraged citizens to go directly to him for help. Thousands wrote him letters every year pleading for a home, a job, a scholarship. Chávez answered their pleas on his television program, "Aló Presidente." Eventually, he began to call his movement a socialist revolution — and it was enormously popular. Oil prices had rebounded by the 2000s, and the country was flush with cash. The state expanded free education and medical care. Poverty declined. His movement won election after election. In 2013, Chávez died. But he left behind a hollowed-out democracy. I've spent recent months speaking to political analysts and former officials in his government to understand what went wrong. They all cite a few problems. Chávez's quest to remove the barriers between himself and his people helped erect a cult of personality. If he made all the decisions, then the other mechanisms of government didn't matter. The bodies that would once have made policy and enforced laws were weakened. He ended term limits and essentially took control of the Supreme Court. "It's populism," one of Chávez's former communications ministers told me. The aftermathMaduro took over after Chávez. But the movement's luck had run out. The price of petroleum was plummeting, and the economy spiraled. People lost faith. Rather than allow democracy to run its course, Maduro cracked down. His government jailed dissidents, crushed protests and eventually crafted a parallel legislature that would compete with the opposition-held National Assembly — and implement the laws he wanted. In 2018, he barred major political parties and some opposition figures from running for office. The United States responded by issuing harsh sanctions that strangled what was left of the economy. "That's when Venezuela approached dictatorship," Steve Levitsky, an expert on democracy at Harvard, told me. Levitsky, co-author of the book "How Democracies Die," called Maduro's claim of victory in Sunday's vote "one of the most egregious electoral frauds in modern Latin American history." Maduro has weathered major protests before, and he has survived isolation from the United States and its allies by strengthening ties to Russia, China and Iran. It's unclear if this time will be different. Before the election, polls showed that as many as a third of Venezuelans were interested in migration if Maduro stayed in power. But that's not a realistic alternative for everyone. Those who remain face a choice: acquiesce in the immiseration of their country or speak up. Which is why so many are hitting the streets. More on Venezuela
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Museum guards stand beside works of art for hours each day. That time allows them to form intimate relationships with the works, to understand the technique and emotion behind them. And it means that many guards develop favorites — often pieces that are not their museum's best-known works. The Times asked five guards in five renowned museums, including the Met, the Picasso Museum in Spain and the Victoria and Albert Museum in Britain, to share their favorite pieces. More on culture
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Wednesday, July 31, 2024
The Morning: Venezuela’s dubious election
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