Good morning. Today my colleague John Eligon is writing about an important anniversary for South Africa. We're also covering the Supreme Court, Harvey Weinstein and bird flu. — David Leonhardt
After apartheid
South Africa's apartheid government died in an election 30 years ago tomorrow. For the first time, Black South Africans were among those casting ballots. In the regime's place, voters inaugurated a democracy led by people who look like the country's majority. Hopes ran high: Nelson Mandela became president and vowed to help Black communities prosper by giving them access to the wealth, land and mines — South Africa is rich in gold and diamonds — colonizers had taken. Toppling the racist regime, it turns out, was just the beginning. Three decades later, Mandela's vision is far from realized. Most Black South Africans don't earn enough to meet their basic needs, and many lack reliable services like electricity and water. Racial disparities in employment, education and income are still massive. Communities where people live in tin shacks and use latrines sit alongside suburbs with swimming pools and electrified walls. With a major national election next month, my colleague Lynsey Chutel and I have been reporting to understand how South Africa got here. We've sifted through data, interviewed experts and chatted with dozens of residents from every walk of life. (Read our story here.) Today's newsletter will explain what happened. Joyful progress
For all its problems, South Africa has still achieved something remarkable. After apartheid, its democratic government, led by the liberation movement, the African National Congress, drafted a constitution that enshrines equal rights for everyone. Since 1994, the country has held six peaceful and credible democratic elections. Even though the A.N.C. has had a grip on power, the political arena is fierce and combative. This year, a record 52 parties will be on the national ballot. In many places, you see an inclusive joy these days that would not have been possible under apartheid. On any given night, you'll find Black partygoers in swanky nightclubs or high-end restaurants, sucking on hookah pipes or posing for Instagram snapshots. Some townships, which the apartheid government had designed to keep the Black population ostracized, have vibrant arts and culture scenes. Festivals are frequently held in all parts of the country and draw multiracial crowds. Many thump with amapiano, a South African brand of house music, and revelers doing smooth robotic jiggles. The economic situation is not uniformly bleak. The upscale shopping malls and modern office towers are no longer the preserve of white South Africans. In 2022, there were 16 times more Black South Africans living in households among the top 15 percent of earners than there were in 1995. Even when it comes to venting frustrations with the government, there is a lively protest culture, with people of all shades and socioeconomic backgrounds taking to the streets. Civil society thrives: Many human rights organizations advocate for the most vulnerable. A robust and independent press calls out government wrongdoing. A stubborn legacy
Mandela's government raced to provide homes, electricity and water to the millions of Black South Africans deprived of those basics under apartheid. Over time, though, progress slowed. Some advocates argued that the government should quickly seize banks, mines and land. But policymakers worried about scaring international investors and institutions. So they often took a gentler approach. Instead of nationalizing corporations, the government mandated greater Black representation among business owners in order for companies to get contracts from the state. Instead of taking land from white owners, the government simply urged them to sell some of it. Some did, and a few Black buyers — mostly with government support — had the means to purchase land, but not nearly enough to transform the economy.
Today, white people, who are 7 percent of the population, still own most land and big business. Black South Africans have made some inroads. But the benefits have mostly gone to a small number of politically connected Black people at the top of the economic ladder. This elite enrichment is tied to the country's persistent corruption, which began even as the new country took shape. The A.N.C. back then was filled with revolutionaries who had been tortured, imprisoned or exiled by the white-led regime. Suddenly, many of those same liberation fighters became top government officials. They had access to resources and power they'd never known before. Multiple A.N.C. veterans have told me that some party members couldn't resist grabbing the spoils. They felt that they had sacrificed so much and it was time for them to eat. South Africans today live with the consequences. The state-owned power company, for instance, was pilfered and now struggles to keep plants working, leading to frequent blackouts. Commercial ships and trucks have been backed up at South Africa's vital shipping ports because of the dysfunctional state-owned logistics company. A young nation's futureSouth Africa, like other African nations and even the United States, has not figured out how to undo economic inequities created by hundreds of years of racial oppression. But history is not destiny. Frustrated South Africans head to the polls next month. For the first time since full democracy began in 1994, the A.N.C. may lose its majority in Parliament. If it does, voters will be exercising a freedom they gained that is not in question: to choose, and dispatch, leaders as they wish. Related: Read John's guide to the South African election.
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Opinions Toby Kiers had a choice between being a bad scientist or a bad mother. She chose defiance, she writes, and brought her children with her on expeditions. Mike Johnson deserves praise for standing up against his party to pass aid for Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, Frank Bruni writes. You've been wronged. That doesn't mean your complaints are right, Pamela Paul argues. Here are columns by David Brooks on rising federal debt and Paul Krugman on the progress of unions. A subscription to match the variety of your interests. News. Games. Recipes. Product reviews. Sports reporting. A New York Times All Access subscription covers all of it and more. Subscribe today.
Check mate: The next world chess champion could be the youngest ever. Teddy's here, too: Sharing a bed with a partner sometimes means making room for their stuffed animal. Fines: A Wyoming town penalized a 13-year-old for selling Girl Scout cookies in the wrong place, The Cowboy State Daily reports. Homes: A study suggests that Gen Z has it better in the housing market than the millennials who came before. Lives Lived: Carrie Robbins made a classic wig and poodle skirt for "Grease" — using a bath mat and a toilet cover — and turned other actors into Spanish inquisitors, British highwaymen and more. She died at 81.
N.F.L. Draft: U.S.C.'s Caleb Williams went No. 1 to the Chicago Bears, as expected, in the first round of the draft. The Atlanta Falcons' selection of the Washington quarterback Michael Penix Jr. shocked league insiders. N.B.A.: Joel Embiid, recently diagnosed with Bell's palsy, scored 50 points to power the 76ers past the Knicks and narrow their series lead to 2-1. N.H.L.: The New York Islanders face a 3-0 series deficit after losing 3-2 to the Carolina Hurricanes at home.
Young people are spending more time on TikTok and YouTube. To stay relevant, many podcast hosts have started recording their conversations in video as well as audio. While a "video podcast" might seem contradictory, people watch. Interview-driven series like "The Joe Rogan Experience," "Conan O'Brien Needs a Friend" and "Drink Champs" reach millions of subscribers on YouTube and Spotify, which added support for video in 2020. More on culture
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Here is today's Spelling Bee. Yesterday's pangram was blithely. And here are today's Mini Crossword, Wordle, Sudoku, Connections and Strands. Thanks for spending part of your morning with The Times. See you tomorrow. Sign up here to get this newsletter in your inbox. Reach our team at themorning@nytimes.com.
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Friday, April 26, 2024
The Morning: After apartheid
Friday, October 13, 2023
The Morning: A looming ground invasion in Gaza
Good morning. We're covering the prospect of a ground invasion of Gaza — as well as the House speaker race, Microsoft and feminist art.
Urban warfareFor years, Israeli officials have worried about the threat of Hamas in the Gaza Strip. Still, they viewed a full ground invasion of Gaza to be too dangerous and costly to try. Many Israeli soldiers would die. The widespread killing of Palestinian civilians would damage Israel's global reputation. The invasion might fail to dismantle Hamas. Last weekend's attacks by Hamas — killing more than 1,300 people, mostly civilians — have changed this calculation. Israel's leaders and many of its citizens seem to have decided they now have no choice but to invade, and the military has ordered more than one million people to evacuate northern Gaza. Israel's goals are to prevent Hamas from being able to conduct more attacks and to reestablish the country's military credibility. But the same challenges that kept Israel from invading Gaza before have not gone away. The war, as a result, has the potential to become another case study in the strategic difficulties of urban warfare, as the U.S. experienced in Falluja, Iraq, nearly two decades ago, Israel did in Lebanon during the 1980s and Russia has in Ukraine. "It's one of the most complicated fighting scenarios that you can have," Alex Plitsas of the Atlantic Council told us. "It makes for bloody, awful conflict." In today's newsletter, we preview the invasion that appears to be coming, focusing on two questions: What is Israel trying to accomplish? And what is Hamas's strategy now? Israel's goalsBenjamin Netanyahu, Israel's leader, has vowed to "crush and destroy" Hamas. But many analysts expect that the group will continue to exist, in some form, for the foreseeable future. What, then, would qualify as a success for Israel? It would involve a Hamas that was so weak it could no longer govern Gaza, could no longer fire missiles into Israel and could no longer launch terrorist attacks that look anything like last weekend's. To accomplish that, Israel is planning an invasion larger and longer than its previous campaigns into Gaza since Israel ended its occupation there in 2005. Israel has mobilized 360,000 troops — more than 3 percent of its population — and cut off power, fuel and water to Gaza. That lack of resources has created dire problems for Gaza residents — and will also make it harder for Hamas to operate. In the meantime, Israel will try to kill or arrest Hamas fighters, destroy its supply of major weapons like missiles and close the tunnels where the group hides. But Gaza's densely populated streets will make the mission extremely difficult. Hamas fighters will be able to hide in alleys and buildings and will be difficult to distinguish from civilians. Civilian deaths, in turn, may damage Israel's international support. Hamas's leaders, as Tahani Mustafa, an analyst at the International Crisis Group, told us, "were definitely trying to draw Israel into a conflict." Thomas Friedman, the Times columnist, puts it this way: What Israel's worst enemies — Hamas and Iran — want is for Israel to invade Gaza and get enmeshed in a strategic overreach there that would make America's entanglement in Falluja look like a children's birthday party. We are talking house-to-house fighting that would undermine whatever sympathy Israel has garnered on the world stage, deflect world attention from the murderous regime in Tehran and force Israel to stretch its forces to permanently occupy Gaza and the West Bank. The Israelis do have advantages, though. "They probably have detailed computer images of every major building in Gaza, and they can use robots and drones to scout those buildings, find the Hamas defenders and kill them," David Ignatius of The Washington Post noted. "Many of the terrorists who kidnapped Israeli hostages were recorded on video — and it's a safe bet that every one of them will be a target for Israeli revenge." Hamas's defenseSome experts believe that Hamas's weekend attacks were more successful and deadlier than even Hamas's leaders expected. Either way, Hamas almost certainly understood that the attacks would provoke a large Israeli response, and have prepared for it. In the past, urban warfare has helped insurgent groups beat back stronger militaries. In the first battle of Falluja, in 2004, Iraqi militants were able to hold onto the city by fighting from a maze of buildings. Hamas militants will probably use a similar approach in Gaza. They will hide in booby-trapped homes and tunnels, ready to lob grenades at Israeli troops. They will also likely dress as civilians, as they have in the past. "It's almost inevitable that Israeli strikes on Hamas targets will hit or wound civilians," our colleague Steven Erlanger, who has covered the Middle East for years, said on "The Daily" this week. "And it's partly because Hamas deliberately lives among them and hides its munitions among them and in mosques and in hospitals. I've seen these things for myself. And I don't expect them to be any different this time."
Finally, Hamas has the grim tactical advantage of holding at least 150 hostages. Israeli officials need to worry about the killing of these hostages with each attack. Hamas has also threatened to execute a hostage each time an Israeli airstrike hits Gazans in their homes. Among the few confident predictions experts make are that the coming invasion will be brutal, and will include major surprises. "That a major operation is coming is hardly in doubt," The Times explains, in a preview of the likely ground invasion. "But there are tactical arguments over how any operation should start, whether it will begin massively or with raiding parties, and how best to coordinate Israel's overwhelming strength in land, sea and especially air power." More on the Evacuation
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Opinions Only the international community can stop another devastating Israeli assault on Gaza, Fadi Abu Shammalah writes. After Hamas's brutal terrorism, America's duty is to stand firm with Israel, The Times's editorial board writes. Here's a column by Paul Krugman on the economics Nobel. All encompassing. Entertaining. Appetizing. Discerning. And sporting. No matter what you're into, it's all in The Times. Subscribe today to enjoy everything we offer.
Princess décor: Forget the Mickey tchotchkes — these superfans design their entire homes with Disney themes. Say cheese: Face scans could soon replace tickets at airports and theme parks. Is the convenience worth the privacy risks? Modern Love: They have the same name. Lives Lived: Rudolph Isley sang harmony and helped write hits like "Shout" as a member of the Isley Brothers, then left the mainstream music industry to become a minister. He died at 84.
M.L.B.: The Philadelphia Phillies beat the Atlanta Braves, 3-1, to advance to a second straight N.L.C.S. A Denver swoon: The Broncos dropped to 1-5 with a loss in Kansas City last night, another sign that the Sean Payton era in Denver is already a disaster. Golf: Lexi Thompson is playing in a P.G.A. Tour event this weekend — just the seventh female golfer to play against men in such a tournament. She is close to the cut line after 16 holes of play yesterday. Continue reading the main story
Sisterhood: Judy Chicago's 1979 installation "The Dinner Party" is a landmark work of feminist art. Yet she had never had her own survey in New York — until now. "Herstory," which spans four floors of the New Museum, covers six decades of Chicago's work, along with pieces from artists and thinkers including Hilma af Klint, Zora Neale Hurston, Virginia Woolf and Frida Kahlo. More on culture
Make brownies in a skillet. Read a history of Friday the 13th. Browse the Amazon discounts left over from Prime Day. Revamp your bedroom for cheap. Take our news quiz.
Here is today's Spelling Bee. Yesterday's pangram was familiarity. And here are today's Mini Crossword, Wordle, Sudoku and Connections. Thanks for spending part of your morning with The Times. See you tomorrow. — David and Lauren Sign up here to get this newsletter in your inbox. Reach our team at themorning@nytimes.com. Continue reading the main story
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